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Catholic World News News Feature

A Regime Near Collapse December 20, 2001

"The party respects and ensures religious freedom." That was the solemn proclamation issued by the Vietnamese Communist Party's general secretary, Le Kha Pieu, as reported recently in the London-based Financial Times. But the situation "on the ground" would appear to be quite different from the rhetorical claims. Abdelfattah Amor, the special UN envoy who was sent to assess the state of religious freedom, was frustrated during a visit to the country; he was not allowed to meet with a number of Catholic, Buddhist, and other religious leaders.

Will Pope John Paul II visit Vietnam soon? Has he received an official invitation? Hanoi's foreign ministry has flatly denied that the nation's bishops have petitioned the government for a formal invitation. It would make no sense for the bishops to issue such an invitation without at least tacit approval from the Vietnamese government, since without that approval no papal visit could take place. Yet when Bishop Etienne Nguyen Nhu The met with the Holy Father on November 6, he delivered an official invitation on behalf of Vietnam's bishops conference. "The Pope was both moved and pleased and said he was certainly willing to come," the bishop told the Fides news agency.

In another puzzling incident in late 1997, the police clashed with demonstrators in a series of civil disturbances in the predominantly Catholic region of Xuan Loc brought thousands of people into clashes with policy, the government sought the help of Bishop Paul Marie Nguyen Minh Nhat in quelling the riots. But formal government statements issued after the events insisted that the disruptions had nothing to do with religion.

One plausible explanation for these contradictions between public statements and practical policies is that the government in Hanoi is facing increasing political pressure and public resistance. During a recent visit to Europe, a leader in the anti-Communist resistance movement confirmed that the pressure on the Vietnamese government is indeed mounting.

Nguyen Huu Chanh is secretary-general of the Government of Free Vietnam (GFV), a government-in-exile that came into existence on April 30, 1995. It is a broad coalition of religious groups, civic organizations, and political parties, united in their support for democracy and their wish to relieve the country of its Communist leadership. The GFV--which has selected Nguyen Hoang Dan as its first prime minister and Nguyen Huu Chanh as his top foreign minister--operates primarily from Hoa Binh, a secret base along the border between Vietnam and Cambodia, but it also maintains offices in California and recently established a new office in Verona, as a beachhead from which to launch new efforts to rally European support.

Nguyen Huu Chanh travels frequently in order to build up a network among the 4 million Vietnamese now living in other countries. Visiting Rome this past fall, he explained how, in his view, the liberation of his country will take place.

[TEXT]

Given the lack of factual information available here in the West, can you tell us about the present situation in Vietnam--the real situation?

Nguyen Huu Chanh: The economic situation is a complete disaster. State assets have been squandered during these 23 years, and the Communist party has heaped up a mountain of debts. They do not actually know how to cope with this situation. Society is filled with corruption, immorality, and anarchy. The Vietnamese Communist party and its government are totally impotent and tacitly accepting this situation for the purpose of their own survival. The state is simply bankrupt and has no more money for such things as health services, education, and so forth.

On another front, there is no freedom of religion, and religions are simply given no chance to operate, develop, or expand freely. Among all religions, I must say, Catholicism is the one which is more harshly persecuted, since the regime know all too well that Catholics are by no means in agreement with its positions.

As far as we know, during last year's Synod of Asian bishops, no voices were raised to denounce such plight of Catholics and other people in Vietnam. Can you explain that silence?

Chanh: For any bishop, monsignor, or simple parish priest to be allowed to leave the country--for example, to attend a Synod in Rome, he must strike an accord--binding himself not to criticize Communism or the Communist regime in his own country. Otherwise, he would be jailed immediately upon his return. We know that the overwhelming majority of Vietnamese bishops, clergy, and religious sign this contract, in order to be able to come back and continue their missionary work.

And how would you judge this behavior, given the fact that in Europe there were pastors such as Cardinals Mindzenty and Stepinac who did not hesitate to speak out against Communism?

Chanh: Certainly eight out of ten bishops are excellent people and have the common good of their own folks sincerely at heart. The remainder are simply quislings, who play into the hands of Hanoi and the Communists. The mere fact that these religious are seen coming and going is exploited by the regime to give the impression that freedom of movement is not impeded. Many bishops support our anti-Communist movement covertly, in order not to jeopardize their pastoral and charitable work.

This year the authorities in Hanoi also wanted to disrupt the traditional pilgrimage to a place in central Vietnam, La Vang, the site of a Marian apparition. But (with the logistical support of the GFV) the event did take place. There was nothing the Communist police could do to prevent some 100,000 pilgrims from doing what they were determined to do.

You have said that Vietnam will be definitely free by the year 2000. How could you be so confident? In concrete terms, how will that liberation be accomplished?

Chanh: As a preliminary point, let me tell you that we are not prepared to compromise or associate with the Vietnamese Communists under any circumstances, whatsoever.

My conviction is based on the fact that recently they approached us both inside and outside the country--probably increasingly aware that their regime's days are numbered by now. For example, in September 1997 Hanoi's prime minister offered me the post of deputy prime minister. I said No. Had they felt sufficiently secure, the Communists would have never come forward with such a proposal.

The Communist regime will simply have to relinquish power for democratic, general elections to be held on a date set by an interim GFV executive under UN or international supervision. The interim government will then be replaced by the newly-elected one.

Is there any possibility that the Communists might enjoy a political comeback--of the sort we may be seeing now in Russia?

Chanh: The situation in Vietnam will never be like that in Russia.

When the Government of Free Vietnam is installed in our country, no vestiges of either the Communist party or its government will be left. All political parties will take part in the first and democratic election, save for the Communists. There will never be a handshake, let alone a coalition, between the GFV and the Communists.

Top members of the Hanoi Communist government asked for the GFV to return and help repay the huge foreign debt accrued in more that two decades of their rule. But we want to make a clean sweep, to rid our country of Communism and its evils once and for all.

Look at the difference between Russia or North Korea and other states where today Communists do not have the same clout: the latter normally enjoy a sufficient economic and political stability, whereas the former are virtually in tatters. Our program provides for a free and democratic republic to be based on a free-market economy, where the right to property for individuals and corporations will be respected and protected.

Needless to say, in the spirit of national reconciliation, all Communist Party members who have denounced the ideology of Communism will always be welcome to participate in the great mission of rebuilding and reconstructing our fatherland. (For more information, you are welcome to visit our Web site: http://www.vntd.org.)

In particular, we wish to stress that all conflicts and disputes are to be settled by peaceful means, in order to avoid unnecessary bloodshed for our nation. This includes the subversion of the current Vietnamese Communist government. In addition to the 2 million Vietnamese exiles who work for us today, both inside and outside the country we have infiltrated the Communist apparatus, so much so that for example at least 16 Communist generals secretly support us. With the present Asian crisis contributing to the difficulties of the domestic situation in Vietnam, the people really are at the end of their tethers. All we would need to do in order to topple the Communist government by a military coup is simply make a phone call . But that's something we by no means want. We seek a peaceful and democratic transition.

One of the members of your shadow government, in your foreign-affairs ministry, Admiral Lam Nguon Tanh. Wasn't he a ranking naval officer under the former government of South Vietnam?

Chanh: Yes, you're right. You see, the former South Vietnam government covered two generations: that of Admiral Lam Nguon Tanh and that of myself. For the most part, however, we can say that the people active in the GFV are from the latter generation: the sons and nephews of the generation that was at the helm of the government of South Vietnam.

I must say that the old leaders of South Vietnam trusted the Americans too much. That was their biggest mistake--so much so that when the Americans ran away, the country collapsed. That mistake will not be repeated by the GFV; its leader must be a forceful and independent personality, who will not allow any foreign country to dictate to him.

For us, all nations have equal status. On the other hand, we do not underestimate the importance of the US establishment, particularly in our struggle for democracy; an increasing number of American politicians, senators and congressmen, support us.

With the peace accord which was signed in 1973, the collaboration between the US government of that era and the Communists was evident. In a way you could say that the US wanted the government of South Vietnam to be replaced by the Communists. But nowadays, the mere fact that diplomatic relations between the two countries have been resumed should not be construed as support [for the Communist regime] by the US.

When a new government takes office, would you envision prosecution for those who committed serious crimes and human-rights abuses under the Communist regime? In other words, would there be some possibility here for Nuremberg-style trials of Communist rulers?

Chanh: I am not in a position to give you a straightforward Yes or No answer.

Certainly, we would never, by any means, allow summary executions to take place. That would be tantamount to behaving like the Communists.

(Perhaps you in the West are not aware that in Vietnam today, the law is not equal for all citizens. In other words Vietnam is not a state based on the rule of law. This is another factor which further undermines the Communist government in power.)

The question would have to be decided by a future democratic parliament. If it enacts new legislation providing for new, suitable courts to be established and for Communist criminals to be prosecuted, then they will have to be called to account. At the same time, the perpetrators of serious abuses are themselves entitled to the exercise of their basic human rights, which means a fair and equitable trial, with all the legal guarantees.

We are not seeking revenge, since we are civilized and justice-loving people who abhor bloodshed. But the legal process will have definitely to follow its course until a final verdict is handed down.

[AUTHOR ID] Alberto Carosa is a free-lance journalist based in Rome.